น กบะห อาหร บ الن ك ب ة an Nakba หายนะ เป นการล างชาต พ นธ ชาวปาเลสไตน ผ านและย ดท ด นทร พย ส น รวมถ งทำลายส งคม กดข ส ท

นักบะห์ (อาหรับ: النَّكْبَة, an-Nakba, "หายนะ") เป็นการล้างชาติพันธุ์ชาวปาเลสไตน์ผ่านและยึดที่ดินทรัพย์สิน รวมถึงทำลายสังคม กดขี่ สิทธิทางการเมืองและของพวกเขา นักบะห์เป็นคำที่ใช้บรรยายถึงเหตุการณ์ที่เกิดขึ้นในปาเลสไตน์ในอาณัติช่วงสงครามปาเลสไตน์ ค.ศ. 1947–1949 ตลอดจนการเบียดเบียนชาวปาเลสไตน์โดยอิสราเอลที่ยังคงดำเนินอยู่ ความหมายโดยรวมของนักบะห์หมายถึงความแตกแยกของสังคมปาเลสไตน์ และการปฏิเสธของในระยะยาว

นักบะห์
เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของ สงครามปาเลสไตน์ ค.ศ. 1947–1949 และความขัดแย้งอาหรับ–อิสราเอล
ชาวปาเลสไตน์ถูกขับออกจากเมืองไฮฟา ในเดือนเมษายน ค.ศ. 1948
สถานที่	ปาเลสไตน์ในอาณัติ
เป้าหมาย	ชาวปาเลสไตน์
ประเภท	การล้างชาติพันธุ์, การโยกย้ายประชากร, , , ,
ตาย	ชาวปาเลสไตน์ 15,000 คนเสียชีวิต
ผู้เสียหาย	ชาวปาเลสไตน์มากกว่า 750,000 คนถูกขับไล่หรือพลัดถิ่น
ผู้ก่อเหตุ	รัฐอิสราเอล
เหตุจูงใจ	ลัทธิไซออนิสต์ ลัทธิอาณานิคมแบบตั้งถิ่นฐาน

ชาวปาเลสไตน์ประมาณ 750,000 คนหรือมากกว่า 80% ของประชากรในพื้นที่ที่ต่อมากลายเป็นรัฐอิสราเอลถูกกำลังกึ่งทหารไซออนิสต์และกองกำลังป้องกันอิสราเอลในเวลาต่อมาขับไล่ออกจากบ้านของตน เกิดการสังหารหมู่ชาวปาเลสไตน์หลายพันคน ชุมชนชาวปาเลสไตน์มากกว่า 500 แห่งถูกลดประชากร หลายแห่งถูกทำลายลงหรือให้ชาวยิวเข้ามาอาศัยแทนและเปลี่ยนชื่อใหม่เป็นภาษาฮีบรู นอกจากนี้อิสราเอลยังใช้การสงครามจิตวิทยาในการกดดันและสร้างความหวาดกลัว รวมถึงใช้ใน เมื่อสงครามจบลงใน ค.ศ. 1949 พื้นที่ราว 78% ของปาเลสไตน์ในอาณัติเดิมตกอยู่ใต้การปกครองของอิสราเอล

ชาวปาเลสไตน์มองนักบะห์เป็นบาดแผลร่วมที่กำหนดอัตลักษณ์ชาติและอุดมการณ์ทางการเมืองของตน^{: 209–211} ขณะที่อิสราเอลมองเหตุการณ์นี้เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของสงครามประกาศอิสรภาพและ อิสราเอลยังลดทอนและปฏิเสธอาชญากรรมที่ตนก่อ โดยอ้างว่าชาวปาเลสไตน์สมัครใจย้ายออกไปเอง และบางปฏิบัติการมีความจำเป็น เกิดแนวคิดในช่วงคริสต์ทศวรรษ 1980 โดยกลุ่ม "" ที่ตั้งคำถามกับเรื่องเล่าประวัติศาสตร์อิสราเอลเดิม แนวคิดนี้ยังแพร่หลายในวาทกรรมของอิสราเอลและสหรัฐ และสัมพันธ์กับ

ชาวปาเลสไตน์ระลึกถึงเหตุการณ์นี้ใน (15 พฤษภาคมของทุกปี) หนึ่งวันหลัง ใน ค.ศ. 1967 เกิดการอพยพของชาวปาเลสไตน์อีกระลอกหลังสงครามหกวันเรียกว่า (النكسة, an-Naksa, "ความปราชัย") ซึ่งมีการระลึกในวันที่ 5 มิถุนายนของทุกปีเช่นกัน นักบะห์เป็นเหตุการณ์ที่ทรงอิทธิพลยิ่งต่อประวัติศาสตร์ปาเลสไตน์ เป็นหนึ่งในภาพแทนของพวกเขาร่วมกับตัวการ์ตูน ผ้าโพกหัวและ มีหนังสือ บทกวีและเพลงจำนวนมากที่บอกเล่าถึงนักบะห์

อ้างอิง

Wright, Juwariyah (May 16, 2024). "The Solemn History Behind Nakba Day". Time. สืบค้นเมื่อ 15 September 2024.
Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022, pp. 33, 120–122, 126–132, 137, 239; Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 77–109; Khalidi 2020, pp. 12, 73, 76, 231; Slater 2020, pp. 81–85; Shenhav 2019, pp. 49–50, 54, and 61; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 20 and 32 n.2; Confino 2018, p. 138; Hever 2018, p. 285; Masalha 2018, pp. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383; Nashef 2018, pp. 5–6, 52, 76; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. 47–48; Natour 2016, p. 82; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 3–4, 8–18; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012, pp. 153–154, 160–161; Khoury 2012, pp. 258, 263–265; Knopf-Newman 2011, pp. 4–5, 25–32, 109, 180–182; Lentin 2010, ch. 2; Milshtein 2009, p. 50; Ram 2009, p. 388; Shlaim 2009, pp. 55, 288; Esmeir 2007, pp. 249–250; Sa'di 2007, pp. 291–293, 298, 308; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003, pp. 24, 31–32
Sayigh 2023, pp. 285 ("Nakba entailed a continuing state of rightlessness"), 288 n. 12 ("the Nakba was not limited to 1948") and 288 n. 13 ("Palestinians were attacked in Jordan in ‘Black September’, 1970, with heavy casualties; in Lebanon during the civil war of 1975–1990, including the massacre of Tal al-Zaater [1976]; during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the massacre of Sabra/ Shatila; during the Battle of the Camps 1985–1988; and again in 2007 with the Lebanese Army's attack on Nahr al-Bared camp. Palestinians were evicted from Kuwait in 1990, and again in 2003; expelled from Libya in 1994–1995; evicted by landlords in Iraq in 2003. In Syria, 4,027 have been killed and 120,00 displaced so far in the current civil war. Israeli attacks against Gaza have been continuous: 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2018, 2019 ... In the Occupied West Bank, attacks by armed Israeli settlers are frequent [Amnesty 2017]."); Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 ("[p. 70] The incremental colonization, ethnic cleansing, and oppression occurring daily in historical Palestine is usually ignored by the world media.") and 80 ("The Palestinians refer to their current situation quite often as al-Nakba al-Mustamera, the ongoing Nakba. The original Nakba or catastrophe occurred in 1948, when Israel ethnically cleansed half of the Palestinian population and demolished half of their villages and most of their towns. The world ignored that crime and absolved Israel from any responsibility. Since then, the settler-colonial state of Israel has attempted to complete the ethnic cleansing of 1948."); Khalidi 2020, p. 75, "None were allowed to return, and most of their homes and villages were destroyed to prevent them from doing so.38 Still more were expelled from the new state of Israel even after the armistice agreements of 1949 were signed, while further numbers have been forced out since then. In this sense the Nakba can be understood as an ongoing process."; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "To be sure, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine did not begin or end in 1948. It started back in the 1920s, with an aggressive acquisition and takeover of lands that reached a peak in 1948 and again in 1967. The ethnic cleansing continues in the present day by other means: the silent transfer in Jerusalem; the settlements and the expropriation of land in the West Bank; the communal settlements in the Galilee for Jews only; the new Citizenship decree (which bans Palestinian citizens from bringing their Palestinian spouses into Israel, thanks to the emergency laws); the “unrecognized Palestinian villages” constantly under the threat of destruction; the incessant demolition of Bedouin houses in the south; the omission of Arabic on road signs; the prohibition on importing literature from Arab countries, and many others. One telling example is the fact that not one Arab town or village has been established in Israel since 1948."; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 ("The Nakba is an explicitly continuing present. Its consequences as well as the eliminatory colonial ideas and practices that informed it are still unfolding, being deployed, and affecting contemporary Palestinian life. Its aftermath of suffering and political weakness affects almost every Palestinian and Palestinian family, along with the Palestinian collective, on a near-daily basis.") and 33 n. 4 ("In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba” came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948."); Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv, "[p. xiii] The Nakba's initial bloody chapters were written with the forceful ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 ... This proves the error of some Arab historians who considered the Nakba a historic event whose place is set firmly in the past. The everyday reality of life in Palestine clearly indicates that the 1948 war was merely the beginning of the catastrophic event. It did not end when the cease-fire agreements of 1949 were signed. In fact, 1948 was the beginning of a phenomenon that continues to this day ... [p. xiv] The Nakba continues to this day even for those Israeli Palestinians who were denied their label of national identity as “Palestinians” and are now referred to as “Israeli Arabs.” ... While the continuing Nakba is obscured from view in Israel by the laws and legislation approved by the Israeli parliament, the Nakba is very conspicuous in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Those lands occupied in 1967 are subject to military laws, while settlements proliferate in every corner: from Jerusalem, which is being suffocated by Jewish settlements, to the West Bank, through to the Jordan Valley. Repression, administrative detentions, and outright killing have become daily institutionalized practices. Israel, in fact, has built a comprehensive apartheid system shored up by settler-only roads that circumvent Palestinian cities, the wall of separation that tears up and confiscates Palestinian cities and villages, and the many checkpoints that have made moving from one Palestinian Bantustan to the next a daily ordeal. The consequences of the continuing Nakba are nowhere clearer than in Jerusalem and Hebron, where settlers plant their communities among Palestinians, closing roads and turning ordinary chores into a daily nightmare. They reach the peak of inhumanity by transforming Gaza into the biggest open-air prison in the world."; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 393 ("We use “Nakba” to refer to an event and a process. The event refers to the dismantlement of Palestine and Palestinian society in 1948 as a result of the establishment of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the part of Palestine on which Israel was established. The process refers to the continuation of what started in 1948 until today in the forms of dispossession, exile, colonization, and occupation."), 405 ("the Palestinian catastrophe that has been continuing for close to seven decades"), 407 ("Israel continued the ethnic cleansing well into the early 1950s"), and 422-423 ("This emerging differentiation between the Nakba as a traumatic and rapturous event and the Nakba as an ongoing process is of utmost importance ... Support for the increasing awareness of the Nakba as an ongoing structural process rather than a memory of a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end, and support for the realization that the Nakba also includes the Palestinians in Israel, can be found in the gradual emergence of certain sentiments ... the continued Nakba is the other side of the colonial project of the Jewish state."); Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 ([Abstract] "The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.") and 12-18 ("[p. 12] The concept of an ‘ongoing’ Nakba is not a new one for Palestinians ..."); Masalha 2012, pp. 5 ("The clearing out and displacement of the Palestinians did not end with the 1948 war, the Israeli authorities continued to ‘transfer’ (a euphemism for the removal of Palestinians from the land), dispossess and colonise Palestinians during the 1950s"), 12-14 ("[p. 12] The Nakba as a continuing trauma occupies a central place in the Palestinian psyche ... [p. 13] With millions still living under Israeli colonialism, occupation or in exile, the Nakba remains at the heart of both Palestinian national identity and political resistance ... [p. 14] the Nakba and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank are continuing"), 75 ("The pattern of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians established in 1948 has been maintained: for example, the massacres at Qibya in October 1953, the al-Azazme tribes in March 1955, Kafr Qasim on 29 October 1956, Samo‘a in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee during Land Day on 30 March 1976, Sabra and Shatila on 16–18 September 1982, al-Khalil (Hebron) on 25 February 1994, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000, the Jenin refugee camp on 13 April 2002, the mass killing during the popular Palestinian uprisings (intifadas) against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza (1987–1993 and 2000–2002), Gaza (December 2008–January 2009), the Gaza flotilla raid on 31 May 2010."), 251 ("The processes of ethnic cleansing and transfer in Palestine continue."), and 254 ("While the Holocaust is an event in the past, the Nakba did not end in 1948. For Palestinians, mourning sixty-three years of al-Nakba is not just about remembering the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of 1948, it is also about marking the ongoing dispossession and dislocation. Today the trauma of the Nakba continues: the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians caused by Israeli colonisation of the West Bank, land confiscation, continued closures and invasions, de facto annexation facilitated by Israel's 730-kilometre ‘apartheid wall’ in the occupied West Bank, and the ongoing horrific siege of Gaza. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are denied access to land, water and other basic resources. Today the Nakba continues through the ‘politics of denial’. There are millions of Palestinian refugees around the world, all of whom are denied their internationally recognised ‘right of return’ to their homes and land. The memory, history, rights and needs of Palestinian refugees have been excluded not only from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts but also from Palestinian top-down and elite approaches to the refugee issue (Boqai’ and Rempel 2003). The ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Naqab, and the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge 1948 as such, continue to underpin the Palestine–Israel conflict ..."); Lentin 2010, p. 111, "Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 ("For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over ... the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues.") and 18-19 ("One of the most important is that the past represented by the cataclysmic Nakba is not past. What happened in 1948 is not over, either because Palestinians are still living the consequences or because similar processes are at work in the present ... . Their dispersion has continued, their status remains unresolved, and their conditions, especially in the refugee camps, can be miserable. For those with the class backgrounds or good fortune to have rebuilt decent lives elsewhere, whether in the United States, Kuwait, or Lebanon, the pain may be blunted. But for those in the vicinity of Israel, the assaults by the Zionist forces that culminated in the expulsions of the Nakba have not actually ceased. The Palestinians who remained within the borders of the new state were subjected to military rule for the first twenty years. Then in 1967, with the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, there was another dislocating assault. In 1982 Israel bombarded and invaded Lebanon, causing mass destruction, the routing of the PLO, and then a massacre in the refugee camps. With Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories (the two intifadas), the violence escalated. Hardly a week goes by now when Palestinians are not shelled, shot, “assassinated,” arrested, taken to prison, or tortured. Not a day goes by when they are not humiliated at checkpoints or prevented from moving about by the Israeli army. The confrontation continues and with it the funerals, the house demolitions, the deportations, and the exodus. The usurping of water, the confiscation of land, the denial of legal rights, and the harassment also continue."); Jayyusi 2007, pp. 109-110 ("The unfolding trajectory of continuous dispossession and upheaval experienced at the hands of the Israeli state was to reshape the space of the collective narrative over time. It was to become obvious that the Nakba was not the last collective site of trauma, but what came later to be seen, through the prism of repeated dispossessions and upheavals, as the foundational station in an unfolding and continuing saga of dispossession, negations, and erasure.") and 114-116
Masalha 2012, p. 3; Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."
Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). "Observations on the Right of Return". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR 2537217. Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent"; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent"; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ..."; Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces."); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000"; Bishara 2017, pp. 138 ("expelled close to 750,000") and 148 n. 21 ("number of the refugees displaced ranged between 700,000 and 900,000"; Bäuml 2017, p. 105, "approximately 750,000"; Cohen 2017, p. 87, "approximately 700,000 ... between half a million and a million"; Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees."); Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million"; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("more than 750,000") and 237 n. 21 ("Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000"); Lentin 2010, pp. 6 ("at least 80 per cent") and 7 ("more than 700,000"); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "Around 750,000-900,000"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000"; Morris 2008, p. 407, "some seven hundred thousand"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"
Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "a few thousand died in massacres"; Manna 2022, pp. 16–17,"There is now a general consensus among the parties to the historical discussion that there were dozens of massacres and acts of expulsion of Palestinians from their country prior to and after May 1948. The debate revolves essentially around the extent to which the top Israeli leadership was responsible for these acts and gave the orders to carry them out."; Hasian Jr. 2020, p. 100, "[According to :] between December of 1947 and January of 1949 ... 'nearly 70 massacres' had been committed, and he was adamant that this was a conservative count"; Khalidi 2020, p. 93, "civilian massacres at Dayr Yasin and at least twenty other locations"; Slater 2020, pp. 77 ("Zionist massacres and forced expulsion of the Palestinians, which began well before the invasion") and 81-82 ("the massacres and expulsions of the Palestinians—today widely known as the Nakba"); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "It is now clear that expulsions and massacres took place all over Palestine, not only in Dir Yasin, al-Lod, and al-Tantura."; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 11, "The ‘standard operating procedure’ of Zionist troops was to surround a village, and even though the villagers might surrender, ‘able men and boys were lined up, and sometimes shot’, and in the worst cases ‘a more general massacre ensued’ ... following Pappé, Levene summarises that ‘at least 5,000 men, women, and children [were] slaughtered in the massacres’"; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 6, "Throughout the extensive deliberations about the future of the Arabs (what was known as the ‘Arab Question’ in the Zionist vernacular until 1948) and in particular the issue of their expulsion, physical elimination was not considered an option, as it was for some other settler-colonial projects. Many massacres against Palestinians took place, some of which were discussed in the Zionist narrative. We agree with the historians who argue that the goal of many of these massacres was not the physical elimination of the Palestinians but rather their evacuation from Palestine.38 Massacres were strategically used to terrorize Palestinians into leaving their towns. One can call this ‘demographic elimination’ to distinguish it from ‘physical elimination’."; Docker 2012, p. 19, "There were further ‘atrocities’ including mutilation, cruelty, and weapons of terror."; Masalha 2012, pp. 76 and 84–87, "[p. 76] scores of massacres carried out in 1948"; Lentin 2010, pp. 109–111; Morris 2008, p. 405, pp. 405 ("In truth, however, the Jews committed far more atrocities than the Arabs and killed far more civilians and POWs in deliberate acts of brutality in the course of 1948.") and 406 ("In the yearlong war, Yishuv troops probably murdered some eight hundred civilians and prisoners of war all told—most of them in several clusters of massacres in captured villages during April–May, July, and October–November 1948. The round of massacres, during Operation Hiram and its immediate aftermath in the Galilee and southern Lebanon, at the end of October and the first week of November 1948 is noteworthy in having occurred so late in the war, when the IDF was generally well disciplined and clearly victorious. This series of killings—at 'Eilabun, Jish, 'Arab al-Mawasi, Saliha, Majd al-Kurum, and so on—was apparently related to a general vengefulness and a desire by local commanders to precipitate a civilian exodus."; Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 104 n. 7, "sixty-eight massacres of Palestinians conducted in 1948 by Zionist and Israeli forces"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 293 and 300, " (2004a) also mentions twenty-four cases of massacre, while Palestinian scholars using oral historical methods have documented more than sixty"; Slyomovics 2007, pp. 29–31 and 37; Pappe 2006, pp. 258, "Palestinian sources, combining Israeli military archives with oral histories, list thirty-one confirmed massacres - beginning with the massacre in Tirat Haifa on 11 December 1947 and ending with Khirbat Ilin in the Hebron area on 19 January 1949 - and there may have been at least another six. We still do not have a systematic Nakba memorial archive that would allow one to trace the names of all those who died in the massacres - an act of painful commemoration that is gradually getting underway as this book goes to press."
Morris, Benny (2003). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN , p. 604.
Khalidi, Walid (Ed.) (1992). . Washington: Institute for Palestine Studies. ISBN .
Sa'di 2002, pp. 175–198: "Al-Nakbah is associated with a rapid de-Arabization of the country. This process has included the destruction of Palestinian villages. About 418 villages were erased, and out of twelve Palestinian or mixed towns, a Palestinian population continued to exist in only seven. This swift transformation of the physical and cultural environment was accompanied, at the symbolic level, by the changing of the names of streets, neighborhoods, cities, and regions. Arabic names were replaced by Zionist, Jewish, or European names. This renaming continues to convey to the Palestinians the message that the country has seen only two historical periods which attest to its "true" nature: the ancient Jewish past, and the period that began with the creation of Israel."
Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 101 ("Israeli-sponsored radio messages that were used to 'wage psychological warfare'") and 103 ("Walid Khalidi, who wrote some of the first Palestinian summaries of what happened during the fall of Haifa in 1959, has recently revisited these issues and concluded that the British colluded with the Haganah in ways that made sure that the use of “psychological warfare tactics” would be used in ruthless ways so that the Plan Dalet could be carried out against unarmed civilians who needed to be moved out of these lands."); Slater 2020, p. 81; Cohen 2017, p. 79; Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 68, "From the territory occupied by the Israelis in 1948, about 90 per cent of the Palestinians were driven out — many by psychological warfare and/or military pressure and a very large number at gunpoint."; Lentin 2010, p. 109; Shlaim 2009, p. 55, "Morris describes the flight of the Palestinians wave after wave, town by town, and village by village. He gives numerous specific examples of psychological warfare, of intimidation, of expulsion by force and of atrocities committed by the armed forces of the infant Jewish state."; Morris 2008, pp. 160 ("To reinforce this “whispering,” or psychological warfare, campaign, Allon's men distributed fliers, advising those who wished to avoid harm to leave “with their women and children.”") and 332 ("employing 'psychological warfare by means of flyers and ‘treatment’ of civilian inhabitants'"); Sa'di 2007, p. 308, "Morris's (2004a) research confirms what Palestinians have argued all along; he shows definitively that active expulsion by the Jewish forces, the flight of civilians from the battle zones following the attacks of Jewish forces, psychological warfare, and fear of atrocities and random killing by the advancing Jewish forces were the main causes for the Palestinian refugee problem."; Pappe 2006, pp. 156 ("The UN 'peace' plan had resulted in people being intimidated and terrorised by psychological warfare, heavy shelling of civilian populations, expulsions, seeing relatives being executed, and wives and daughters abused, robbed and in several cases, raped."), 197 ("... from the Chief of Staff, : 'Your preparations should include psychological warfare and "treatment" (tipul) of citizens as an integral part of the operation.'"), and 278 n. 27 ("A range of strategies that could only be described as psychological warfare was used by the Jewish forces to terrorize and demoralize the Arab population in a deliberate attempt to provoke a mass exodus. Radio broadcasts in Arabic warned of traitors in the Arabs' midst, describing the Palestinians as having been deserted by their leaders, and accusing Arab militias of committing crimes against Arab civilians. They also spread fears of disease. Another, less subtle, tactic involved the use of loudspeaker trucks. These would be used in the villages and towns to urge the Palestinians to flee before they were all killed, to warn that the Jews were using poison gas and atomic weapons, or to play recorded 'horror sounds' - shrieking and moaning, the wail of sirens, and the clang of fire-alarm bells."); Morris 2004, pp. 129, 168-169 ("Jewish tactics in the battle were designed to stun and quickly overpower opposition; demoralisation was a primary aim. It was deemed just as important to the outcome as the physical destruction of the Arab units. The mortar barrages and the psychological warfare broadcasts and announcements, and the tactics employed by the infantry companies, advancing from house to house, were all geared to this goal. The orders of Carmeli's 22nd Battalion were ‘to kill every [adult male] Arab encountered’ and to set alight with firebombs ‘all objectives that can be set alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic; disperse on route.’"), 230, 246, 250, 252, 468 ("He also ordered the launching of ‘psychological warfare operations’ and instructed the units ‘to deal with the civilian [populations]’. Yadin did not elaborate but presumably the intention was to frighten civilian communities into flight."), 522 (Israel agreed that 'those of the civilian population who may wish to remain in Al Faluja and ‘Iraq al Manshiya are to be permitted to do so ...' But within days Israel went back on its word. Southern Front's soldiers mounted a short, sharp, well-orchestrated campaign of low-key violence and psychological warfare designed to intimidate the inhabitants into flight. According to one villager's recollection, the Jews ‘created a situation of terror, entered the houses and beat the people with rifle butts’.128 Contemporary United Nations and Quakers documents support this description. The UN Mediator, Ralph Bunche, quoting UN observers on the spot, complained that ‘Arab civilians . . . at Al Faluja have been beaten and robbed by Israeli soldiers and . . . there have been some cases of attempted rape’."), and 591 ("If Jewish attack directly and indirectly triggered most of the exodus up to June 1948, a small but significant proportion was due to direct expulsion orders and to psychological warfare ploys (‘whispering propaganda’) designed to intimidate people into flight."); Masalha 2003, pp. 26–27
; (2023). "'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". (ภาษาอังกฤษ). 59 (5): 752–776. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. ISSN 0026-3206. S2CID 252389726.
Aderet, Ofer (14 October 2022). "'Place the Material in the Wells': Docs Point to Israeli Army's 1948 Biological Warfare". Haaretz. สืบค้นเมื่อ 7 September 2024.
Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "78 percent"; Shenhav 2019, p. 50, "over 80 percent"; Rouhana 2017, p. 17, "78%"; Manna 2013, p. 91, "about 78%"; Masalha 2012, p. 68, "78 per cent"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "77%"; Davis 2011, p. 7, "78 percent"; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3, "more than 77 percent"
Avraham Sela; Alon Kadish, บ.ก. (2016). The war of 1948 : representations of Israeli and Palestinian memories and narratives. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN . OCLC 957554870.
Partner, Nancy (2008). "The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict". New Literary History. 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118. S2CID 144556954.
Pappé, Ilan (2009-10-01). "The Vicissitudes of the 1948 Historiography of Israel". Journal of Palestine Studies. 39 (1): 6–23. doi:10.1525/jps.2010.XXXIX.1.6. :10871/15209. ISSN 0377-919X.
Mori 2009, p. 89.
Nassar 2023.
Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). "MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 5 March 2022. สืบค้นเมื่อ 7 April 2021. We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem.
Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). "An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 15 May 2021. สืบค้นเมื่อ 15 May 2021.
Shaked 2022, p. 7.
Masalha 2012, p. 11.

แหล่งข้อมูลอื่น

[1] Wright, Juwariyah (May 16, 2024). "The Solemn History Behind Nakba Day". Time. สืบค้นเมื่อ 15 September 2024.

[EC-2] Sabbagh-Khoury 2023, pp. 30, 65, 71, 81, 182, 193–194; Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Manna 2022; Pappe 2022, pp. 33, 120–122, 126–132, 137, 239; Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 77–109; Khalidi 2020, pp. 12, 73, 76, 231; Slater 2020, pp. 81–85; Shenhav 2019, pp. 49–50, 54, and 61; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 20 and 32 n.2; Confino 2018, p. 138; Hever 2018, p. 285; Masalha 2018, pp. 44, 52–54, 64, 319, 324, 376, 383; Nashef 2018, pp. 5–6, 52, 76; Auron 2017; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, p. 393; Al-Hardan 2016, pp. 47–48; Natour 2016, p. 82; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 3–4, 8–18; Masalha 2012; Wolfe 2012, pp. 153–154, 160–161; Khoury 2012, pp. 258, 263–265; Knopf-Newman 2011, pp. 4–5, 25–32, 109, 180–182; Lentin 2010, ch. 2; Milshtein 2009, p. 50; Ram 2009, p. 388; Shlaim 2009, pp. 55, 288; Esmeir 2007, pp. 249–250; Sa'di 2007, pp. 291–293, 298, 308; Pappe 2006; Schulz 2003, pp. 24, 31–32

[Ongoing-3] Sayigh 2023, pp. 285 ("Nakba entailed a continuing state of rightlessness"), 288 n. 12 ("the Nakba was not limited to 1948") and 288 n. 13 ("Palestinians were attacked in Jordan in ‘Black September’, 1970, with heavy casualties; in Lebanon during the civil war of 1975–1990, including the massacre of Tal al-Zaater [1976]; during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, with the massacre of Sabra/ Shatila; during the Battle of the Camps 1985–1988; and again in 2007 with the Lebanese Army's attack on Nahr al-Bared camp. Palestinians were evicted from Kuwait in 1990, and again in 2003; expelled from Libya in 1994–1995; evicted by landlords in Iraq in 2003. In Syria, 4,027 have been killed and 120,00 displaced so far in the current civil war. Israeli attacks against Gaza have been continuous: 2008–2009, 2012, 2014, 2018, 2019 ... In the Occupied West Bank, attacks by armed Israeli settlers are frequent [Amnesty 2017]."); Pappe 2021, pp. 70-71 ("[p. 70] The incremental colonization, ethnic cleansing, and oppression occurring daily in historical Palestine is usually ignored by the world media.") and 80 ("The Palestinians refer to their current situation quite often as al-Nakba al-Mustamera, the ongoing Nakba. The original Nakba or catastrophe occurred in 1948, when Israel ethnically cleansed half of the Palestinian population and demolished half of their villages and most of their towns. The world ignored that crime and absolved Israel from any responsibility. Since then, the settler-colonial state of Israel has attempted to complete the ethnic cleansing of 1948."); Khalidi 2020, p. 75, "None were allowed to return, and most of their homes and villages were destroyed to prevent them from doing so.38 Still more were expelled from the new state of Israel even after the armistice agreements of 1949 were signed, while further numbers have been forced out since then. In this sense the Nakba can be understood as an ongoing process."; Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "To be sure, the ethnic cleansing of Palestine did not begin or end in 1948. It started back in the 1920s, with an aggressive acquisition and takeover of lands that reached a peak in 1948 and again in 1967. The ethnic cleansing continues in the present day by other means: the silent transfer in Jerusalem; the settlements and the expropriation of land in the West Bank; the communal settlements in the Galilee for Jews only; the new Citizenship decree (which bans Palestinian citizens from bringing their Palestinian spouses into Israel, thanks to the emergency laws); the “unrecognized Palestinian villages” constantly under the threat of destruction; the incessant demolition of Bedouin houses in the south; the omission of Arabic on road signs; the prohibition on importing literature from Arab countries, and many others. One telling example is the fact that not one Arab town or village has been established in Israel since 1948."; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, pp. 7 ("The Nakba is an explicitly continuing present. Its consequences as well as the eliminatory colonial ideas and practices that informed it are still unfolding, being deployed, and affecting contemporary Palestinian life. Its aftermath of suffering and political weakness affects almost every Palestinian and Palestinian family, along with the Palestinian collective, on a near-daily basis.") and 33 n. 4 ("In Palestinian writings the signifier “Nakba” came to designate two central meanings, which will be used in this volume interchangeably: (1) the 1948 disaster and (2) the ongoing occupation and colonization of Palestine that reached its peak in the catastrophe of 1948."); Khoury 2018, pp. xiii–xv, "[p. xiii] The Nakba's initial bloody chapters were written with the forceful ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 ... This proves the error of some Arab historians who considered the Nakba a historic event whose place is set firmly in the past. The everyday reality of life in Palestine clearly indicates that the 1948 war was merely the beginning of the catastrophic event. It did not end when the cease-fire agreements of 1949 were signed. In fact, 1948 was the beginning of a phenomenon that continues to this day ... [p. xiv] The Nakba continues to this day even for those Israeli Palestinians who were denied their label of national identity as “Palestinians” and are now referred to as “Israeli Arabs.” ... While the continuing Nakba is obscured from view in Israel by the laws and legislation approved by the Israeli parliament, the Nakba is very conspicuous in Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Those lands occupied in 1967 are subject to military laws, while settlements proliferate in every corner: from Jerusalem, which is being suffocated by Jewish settlements, to the West Bank, through to the Jordan Valley. Repression, administrative detentions, and outright killing have become daily institutionalized practices. Israel, in fact, has built a comprehensive apartheid system shored up by settler-only roads that circumvent Palestinian cities, the wall of separation that tears up and confiscates Palestinian cities and villages, and the many checkpoints that have made moving from one Palestinian Bantustan to the next a daily ordeal. The consequences of the continuing Nakba are nowhere clearer than in Jerusalem and Hebron, where settlers plant their communities among Palestinians, closing roads and turning ordinary chores into a daily nightmare. They reach the peak of inhumanity by transforming Gaza into the biggest open-air prison in the world."; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2017, pp. 393 ("We use “Nakba” to refer to an event and a process. The event refers to the dismantlement of Palestine and Palestinian society in 1948 as a result of the establishment of Israel and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from the part of Palestine on which Israel was established. The process refers to the continuation of what started in 1948 until today in the forms of dispossession, exile, colonization, and occupation."), 405 ("the Palestinian catastrophe that has been continuing for close to seven decades"), 407 ("Israel continued the ethnic cleansing well into the early 1950s"), and 422-423 ("This emerging differentiation between the Nakba as a traumatic and rapturous event and the Nakba as an ongoing process is of utmost importance ... Support for the increasing awareness of the Nakba as an ongoing structural process rather than a memory of a discrete historical event with a beginning and an end, and support for the realization that the Nakba also includes the Palestinians in Israel, can be found in the gradual emergence of certain sentiments ... the continued Nakba is the other side of the colonial project of the Jewish state."); Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, pp. 1 ([Abstract] "The paper suggests that the ‘Nakba’ of 1948, which was based on appropriation of the land of Palestine without its people, comprising massacres, physical destruction of villages, appropriation of land, property and culture, can be seen as an ongoing process and not merely a historical event.") and 12-18 ("[p. 12] The concept of an ‘ongoing’ Nakba is not a new one for Palestinians ..."); Masalha 2012, pp. 5 ("The clearing out and displacement of the Palestinians did not end with the 1948 war, the Israeli authorities continued to ‘transfer’ (a euphemism for the removal of Palestinians from the land), dispossess and colonise Palestinians during the 1950s"), 12-14 ("[p. 12] The Nakba as a continuing trauma occupies a central place in the Palestinian psyche ... [p. 13] With millions still living under Israeli colonialism, occupation or in exile, the Nakba remains at the heart of both Palestinian national identity and political resistance ... [p. 14] the Nakba and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank are continuing"), 75 ("The pattern of Israeli massacres of Palestinian civilians established in 1948 has been maintained: for example, the massacres at Qibya in October 1953, the al-Azazme tribes in March 1955, Kafr Qasim on 29 October 1956, Samo‘a in the 1960s, the villages of the Galilee during Land Day on 30 March 1976, Sabra and Shatila on 16–18 September 1982, al-Khalil (Hebron) on 25 February 1994, Kfar Qana in 1999, Wadi Ara in 2000, the Jenin refugee camp on 13 April 2002, the mass killing during the popular Palestinian uprisings (intifadas) against Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza (1987–1993 and 2000–2002), Gaza (December 2008–January 2009), the Gaza flotilla raid on 31 May 2010."), 251 ("The processes of ethnic cleansing and transfer in Palestine continue."), and 254 ("While the Holocaust is an event in the past, the Nakba did not end in 1948. For Palestinians, mourning sixty-three years of al-Nakba is not just about remembering the ‘ethnic cleansing’ of 1948, it is also about marking the ongoing dispossession and dislocation. Today the trauma of the Nakba continues: the ongoing forced displacement of Palestinians caused by Israeli colonisation of the West Bank, land confiscation, continued closures and invasions, de facto annexation facilitated by Israel's 730-kilometre ‘apartheid wall’ in the occupied West Bank, and the ongoing horrific siege of Gaza. Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem are denied access to land, water and other basic resources. Today the Nakba continues through the ‘politics of denial’. There are millions of Palestinian refugees around the world, all of whom are denied their internationally recognised ‘right of return’ to their homes and land. The memory, history, rights and needs of Palestinian refugees have been excluded not only from recent Middle East peacemaking efforts but also from Palestinian top-down and elite approaches to the refugee issue (Boqai’ and Rempel 2003). The ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Naqab, and the failure of both the Israeli state and the international community to acknowledge 1948 as such, continue to underpin the Palestine–Israel conflict ..."); Lentin 2010, p. 111, "Non-Zionist scholars operate a different timescale and highlight the continuities between wartime policies and post-1948 ethnic cleansing. They treat the Nakba as the beginning of an ongoing policy of expulsion and expropriation, rather than a fait accompli which ended a long time ago."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, pp. 10 ("For Palestinians, still living their dispossession, still struggling or hoping for return, many under military occupation, many still immersed in matters of survival, the past is neither distant nor over ... the Nakba is not over yet; after almost sixty years neither the Palestinians nor Israelis have yet achieved a state of normality; the violence and uprooting of Palestinians continues.") and 18-19 ("One of the most important is that the past represented by the cataclysmic Nakba is not past. What happened in 1948 is not over, either because Palestinians are still living the consequences or because similar processes are at work in the present ... . Their dispersion has continued, their status remains unresolved, and their conditions, especially in the refugee camps, can be miserable. For those with the class backgrounds or good fortune to have rebuilt decent lives elsewhere, whether in the United States, Kuwait, or Lebanon, the pain may be blunted. But for those in the vicinity of Israel, the assaults by the Zionist forces that culminated in the expulsions of the Nakba have not actually ceased. The Palestinians who remained within the borders of the new state were subjected to military rule for the first twenty years. Then in 1967, with the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, there was another dislocating assault. In 1982 Israel bombarded and invaded Lebanon, causing mass destruction, the routing of the PLO, and then a massacre in the refugee camps. With Palestinian resistance in the occupied territories (the two intifadas), the violence escalated. Hardly a week goes by now when Palestinians are not shelled, shot, “assassinated,” arrested, taken to prison, or tortured. Not a day goes by when they are not humiliated at checkpoints or prevented from moving about by the Israeli army. The confrontation continues and with it the funerals, the house demolitions, the deportations, and the exodus. The usurping of water, the confiscation of land, the denial of legal rights, and the harassment also continue."); Jayyusi 2007, pp. 109-110 ("The unfolding trajectory of continuous dispossession and upheaval experienced at the hands of the Israeli state was to reshape the space of the collective narrative over time. It was to become obvious that the Nakba was not the last collective site of trauma, but what came later to be seen, through the prism of repeated dispossessions and upheavals, as the foundational station in an unfolding and continuing saga of dispossession, negations, and erasure.") and 114-116

[4] Masalha 2012, p. 3; Dajani 2005, p. 42: "The nakba is the experience that has perhaps most defined Palestinian history. For the Palestinian, it is not merely a political event — the establishment of the state of Israel on 78 percent of the territory of the Palestine Mandate, or even, primarily a humanitarian one — the creation of the modern world's most enduring refugee problem. The nakba is of existential significance to Palestinians, representing both the shattering of the Palestinian community in Palestine and the consolidation of a shared national consciousness."; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3: "For Palestinians, the 1948 War led indeed to a "catastrophe." A society disintegrated, a people dispersed, and a complex and historically changing but taken for granted communal life was ended violently. The Nakba has thus become, both in Palestinian memory and history, the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods. After 1948, the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed."

[5] Khalidi, Rashid I. (1992). "Observations on the Right of Return". Journal of Palestine Studies. 21 (2): 29–40. doi:10.2307/2537217. JSTOR 2537217. Only by understanding the centrality of the catastrophe of politicide and expulsion that befell the Palestinian people – al-nakba in Arabic – is it possible to understand the Palestinians' sense of the right of return

[750k-6] Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511, "over 80 per cent"; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "Three-quarters of a million Palestinians ... almost 90 per cent"; Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "Some 80 percent ... At least 720,000 ..."; Slater 2020, pp. 81 ("about 750,000"), 83 ("over 80 percent"), and 350 ("It is no longer a matter of serious dispute that in the 1947–48 period—beginning well before the Arab invasion in May 1948—some 700,000 to 750,000 Palestinians were expelled from or fled their villages and homes in Israel in fear of their lives—an entirely justifiable fear, in light of massacres carried out by Zionist forces."); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "750,000"; Bashir & Goldberg 2018, p. 7, "some 750,000"; Bishara 2017, pp. 138 ("expelled close to 750,000") and 148 n. 21 ("number of the refugees displaced ranged between 700,000 and 900,000"; Bäuml 2017, p. 105, "approximately 750,000"; Cohen 2017, p. 87, "approximately 700,000 ... between half a million and a million"; Manna 2013, pp. 93 ("approximately 750,000") and 99 n. 12 ("Recently, both Palestinian and Israeli scholars seem to agree on this estimate of 700,000–750,000 refugees."); Masalha 2012, pp. 2, "about 90 per cent ... 750,000 refugees"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "some three quarters of a million"; Davis 2011, pp. 7 ("more than 750,000") and 237 n. 21 ("Most scholars generally agree with the UN number, which it was somewhere in the vicinity of 750,000"); Lentin 2010, pp. 6 ("at least 80 per cent") and 7 ("more than 700,000"); Ghanim 2009, p. 25, "Around 750,000-900,000"; Kimmerling 2008, p. 280, "700,000 to 900,000"; Morris 2008, p. 407, "some seven hundred thousand"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 297, "at least 780,000 ... more than 80 percent"

[7] Abu-Laban & Bakan 2022, p. 511; Pappe 2022, p. 128, "a few thousand died in massacres"; Manna 2022, pp. 16–17,"There is now a general consensus among the parties to the historical discussion that there were dozens of massacres and acts of expulsion of Palestinians from their country prior to and after May 1948. The debate revolves essentially around the extent to which the top Israeli leadership was responsible for these acts and gave the orders to carry them out."; Hasian Jr. 2020, p. 100, "[According to :] between December of 1947 and January of 1949 ... 'nearly 70 massacres' had been committed, and he was adamant that this was a conservative count"; Khalidi 2020, p. 93, "civilian massacres at Dayr Yasin and at least twenty other locations"; Slater 2020, pp. 77 ("Zionist massacres and forced expulsion of the Palestinians, which began well before the invasion") and 81-82 ("the massacres and expulsions of the Palestinians—today widely known as the Nakba"); Shenhav 2019, p. 49, "It is now clear that expulsions and massacres took place all over Palestine, not only in Dir Yasin, al-Lod, and al-Tantura."; Rashed, Short & Docker 2014, p. 11, "The ‘standard operating procedure’ of Zionist troops was to surround a village, and even though the villagers might surrender, ‘able men and boys were lined up, and sometimes shot’, and in the worst cases ‘a more general massacre ensued’ ... following Pappé, Levene summarises that ‘at least 5,000 men, women, and children [were] slaughtered in the massacres’"; Rouhana & Sabbagh-Khoury 2014, p. 6, "Throughout the extensive deliberations about the future of the Arabs (what was known as the ‘Arab Question’ in the Zionist vernacular until 1948) and in particular the issue of their expulsion, physical elimination was not considered an option, as it was for some other settler-colonial projects. Many massacres against Palestinians took place, some of which were discussed in the Zionist narrative. We agree with the historians who argue that the goal of many of these massacres was not the physical elimination of the Palestinians but rather their evacuation from Palestine.38 Massacres were strategically used to terrorize Palestinians into leaving their towns. One can call this ‘demographic elimination’ to distinguish it from ‘physical elimination’."; Docker 2012, p. 19, "There were further ‘atrocities’ including mutilation, cruelty, and weapons of terror."; Masalha 2012, pp. 76 and 84–87, "[p. 76] scores of massacres carried out in 1948"; Lentin 2010, pp. 109–111; Morris 2008, p. 405, pp. 405 ("In truth, however, the Jews committed far more atrocities than the Arabs and killed far more civilians and POWs in deliberate acts of brutality in the course of 1948.") and 406 ("In the yearlong war, Yishuv troops probably murdered some eight hundred civilians and prisoners of war all told—most of them in several clusters of massacres in captured villages during April–May, July, and October–November 1948. The round of massacres, during Operation Hiram and its immediate aftermath in the Galilee and southern Lebanon, at the end of October and the first week of November 1948 is noteworthy in having occurred so late in the war, when the IDF was generally well disciplined and clearly victorious. This series of killings—at 'Eilabun, Jish, 'Arab al-Mawasi, Saliha, Majd al-Kurum, and so on—was apparently related to a general vengefulness and a desire by local commanders to precipitate a civilian exodus."; Abu-Lughod 2007, p. 104 n. 7, "sixty-eight massacres of Palestinians conducted in 1948 by Zionist and Israeli forces"; Sa'di 2007, pp. 293 and 300, " (2004a) also mentions twenty-four cases of massacre, while Palestinian scholars using oral historical methods have documented more than sixty"; Slyomovics 2007, pp. 29–31 and 37; Pappe 2006, pp. 258, "Palestinian sources, combining Israeli military archives with oral histories, list thirty-one confirmed massacres - beginning with the massacre in Tirat Haifa on 11 December 1947 and ending with Khirbat Ilin in the Hebron area on 19 January 1949 - and there may have been at least another six. We still do not have a systematic Nakba memorial archive that would allow one to trace the names of all those who died in the massacres - an act of painful commemoration that is gradually getting underway as this book goes to press."

[r3-8] Morris, Benny (2003). The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN , p. 604.

[r4-9] Khalidi, Walid (Ed.) (1992). . Washington: Institute for Palestine Studies. ISBN .

[FOOTNOTESa'di2002175–198-10] Sa'di 2002, pp. 175–198: "Al-Nakbah is associated with a rapid de-Arabization of the country. This process has included the destruction of Palestinian villages. About 418 villages were erased, and out of twelve Palestinian or mixed towns, a Palestinian population continued to exist in only seven. This swift transformation of the physical and cultural environment was accompanied, at the symbolic level, by the changing of the names of streets, neighborhoods, cities, and regions. Arabic names were replaced by Zionist, Jewish, or European names. This renaming continues to convey to the Palestinians the message that the country has seen only two historical periods which attest to its "true" nature: the ancient Jewish past, and the period that began with the creation of Israel."

[11] Hasian Jr. 2020, pp. 101 ("Israeli-sponsored radio messages that were used to 'wage psychological warfare'") and 103 ("Walid Khalidi, who wrote some of the first Palestinian summaries of what happened during the fall of Haifa in 1959, has recently revisited these issues and concluded that the British colluded with the Haganah in ways that made sure that the use of “psychological warfare tactics” would be used in ruthless ways so that the Plan Dalet could be carried out against unarmed civilians who needed to be moved out of these lands."); Slater 2020, p. 81; Cohen 2017, p. 79; Masalha 2012, pp. 2 and 68, "From the territory occupied by the Israelis in 1948, about 90 per cent of the Palestinians were driven out — many by psychological warfare and/or military pressure and a very large number at gunpoint."; Lentin 2010, p. 109; Shlaim 2009, p. 55, "Morris describes the flight of the Palestinians wave after wave, town by town, and village by village. He gives numerous specific examples of psychological warfare, of intimidation, of expulsion by force and of atrocities committed by the armed forces of the infant Jewish state."; Morris 2008, pp. 160 ("To reinforce this “whispering,” or psychological warfare, campaign, Allon's men distributed fliers, advising those who wished to avoid harm to leave “with their women and children.”") and 332 ("employing 'psychological warfare by means of flyers and ‘treatment’ of civilian inhabitants'"); Sa'di 2007, p. 308, "Morris's (2004a) research confirms what Palestinians have argued all along; he shows definitively that active expulsion by the Jewish forces, the flight of civilians from the battle zones following the attacks of Jewish forces, psychological warfare, and fear of atrocities and random killing by the advancing Jewish forces were the main causes for the Palestinian refugee problem."; Pappe 2006, pp. 156 ("The UN 'peace' plan had resulted in people being intimidated and terrorised by psychological warfare, heavy shelling of civilian populations, expulsions, seeing relatives being executed, and wives and daughters abused, robbed and in several cases, raped."), 197 ("... from the Chief of Staff, : 'Your preparations should include psychological warfare and "treatment" (tipul) of citizens as an integral part of the operation.'"), and 278 n. 27 ("A range of strategies that could only be described as psychological warfare was used by the Jewish forces to terrorize and demoralize the Arab population in a deliberate attempt to provoke a mass exodus. Radio broadcasts in Arabic warned of traitors in the Arabs' midst, describing the Palestinians as having been deserted by their leaders, and accusing Arab militias of committing crimes against Arab civilians. They also spread fears of disease. Another, less subtle, tactic involved the use of loudspeaker trucks. These would be used in the villages and towns to urge the Palestinians to flee before they were all killed, to warn that the Jews were using poison gas and atomic weapons, or to play recorded 'horror sounds' - shrieking and moaning, the wail of sirens, and the clang of fire-alarm bells."); Morris 2004, pp. 129, 168-169 ("Jewish tactics in the battle were designed to stun and quickly overpower opposition; demoralisation was a primary aim. It was deemed just as important to the outcome as the physical destruction of the Arab units. The mortar barrages and the psychological warfare broadcasts and announcements, and the tactics employed by the infantry companies, advancing from house to house, were all geared to this goal. The orders of Carmeli's 22nd Battalion were ‘to kill every [adult male] Arab encountered’ and to set alight with firebombs ‘all objectives that can be set alight. I am sending you posters in Arabic; disperse on route.’"), 230, 246, 250, 252, 468 ("He also ordered the launching of ‘psychological warfare operations’ and instructed the units ‘to deal with the civilian [populations]’. Yadin did not elaborate but presumably the intention was to frighten civilian communities into flight."), 522 (Israel agreed that 'those of the civilian population who may wish to remain in Al Faluja and ‘Iraq al Manshiya are to be permitted to do so ...' But within days Israel went back on its word. Southern Front's soldiers mounted a short, sharp, well-orchestrated campaign of low-key violence and psychological warfare designed to intimidate the inhabitants into flight. According to one villager's recollection, the Jews ‘created a situation of terror, entered the houses and beat the people with rifle butts’.128 Contemporary United Nations and Quakers documents support this description. The UN Mediator, Ralph Bunche, quoting UN observers on the spot, complained that ‘Arab civilians . . . at Al Faluja have been beaten and robbed by Israeli soldiers and . . . there have been some cases of attempted rape’."), and 591 ("If Jewish attack directly and indirectly triggered most of the exodus up to June 1948, a small but significant proportion was due to direct expulsion orders and to psychological warfare ploys (‘whispering propaganda’) designed to intimidate people into flight."); Masalha 2003, pp. 26–27

[:0-12] ; (2023). "'Cast thy bread': Israeli biological warfare during the 1948 War". (ภาษาอังกฤษ). 59 (5): 752–776. doi:10.1080/00263206.2022.2122448. ISSN 0026-3206. S2CID 252389726.

[:5-13] Aderet, Ofer (14 October 2022). "'Place the Material in the Wells': Docs Point to Israeli Army's 1948 Biological Warfare". Haaretz. สืบค้นเมื่อ 7 September 2024.

[14] Khalidi 2020, p. 60, "78 percent"; Shenhav 2019, p. 50, "over 80 percent"; Rouhana 2017, p. 17, "78%"; Manna 2013, p. 91, "about 78%"; Masalha 2012, p. 68, "78 per cent"; Wolfe 2012, p. 133, "77%"; Davis 2011, p. 7, "78 percent"; Abu-Lughod & Sa'di 2007, p. 3, "more than 77 percent"

[:2-15] Avraham Sela; Alon Kadish, บ.ก. (2016). The war of 1948 : representations of Israeli and Palestinian memories and narratives. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN . OCLC 957554870.

[partner-16] Partner, Nancy (2008). "The Linguistic Turn along Post-Postmodern Borders: Israeli/Palestinian Narrative Conflict". New Literary History. 39 (4): 823–845. doi:10.1353/nlh.0.0065. JSTOR 20533118. S2CID 144556954.

[:3-17] Pappé, Ilan (2009-10-01). "The Vicissitudes of the 1948 Historiography of Israel". Journal of Palestine Studies. 39 (1): 6–23. doi:10.1525/jps.2010.XXXIX.1.6. :10871/15209. ISSN 0377-919X.

[FOOTNOTEMori200989-18] Mori 2009, p. 89.

[FOOTNOTENassar2023-19] Nassar 2023.

[20] Schmemann, Serge (15 May 1998). "MIDEAST TURMOIL: THE OVERVIEW; 9 Palestinians Die in Protests Marking Israel's Anniversary". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 5 March 2022. สืบค้นเมื่อ 7 April 2021. We are not asking for a lot. We are not asking for the moon. We are asking to close the chapter of nakba once and for all, for the refugees to return and to build an independent Palestinian state on our land, our land, our land, just like other peoples. We want to celebrate in our capital, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem, holy Jerusalem.

[21] Gladstone, Rick (15 May 2021). "An annual day of Palestinian grievance comes amid the upheaval". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. เก็บจากแหล่งเดิมเมื่อ 15 May 2021. สืบค้นเมื่อ 15 May 2021.

[FOOTNOTEShaked20227-22] Shaked 2022, p. 7.

[FOOTNOTEMasalha201211-23] Masalha 2012, p. 11.